Years After the Moynihan Report, Examining the Black Family in the Age of Mass Incarceration. Never marry again in slavery. He was born in 1. Tulsa, Oklahoma, but raised mostly in New York City. When Moynihan was 1. John, left the family, plunging it into poverty.
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In 1. 94. 3, he tested into the City College of New York, walking into the examination room with a longshoreman. He stayed for a master.
In 1. 95. 9, Moynihan began writing for Irving Kristol. The election of John F.
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Kennedy as president, in 1. Moynihan a chance to put his broad curiosity to practical use; he was hired as an aide in the Department of Labor. Moynihan was, by then, an anticommunist liberal with a strong belief in the power of government to both study and solve social problems. He was also something of a scenester.
His fear of being taken for a . He stood six feet five inches tall. A cultured civil servant not to the manor born, Moynihan. As the historian James Patterson writes in Freedom Is Not Enough, his book about Moynihan, he was possessed by .
He believed that the initiative should be run through an established societal institution: the patriarchal family. Fathers should be supported by public policy, in the form of jobs funded by the government. Moynihan believed that unemployment, specifically male unemployment, was the biggest impediment to the social mobility of the poor. He was, it might be said, a conservative radical who disdained service programs such as Head Start and traditional welfare programs such as Aid to Families With Dependent Children, and instead imagined a broad national program that subsidized families through jobs programs for men and a guaranteed minimum income for every family.
Daniel Patrick Moynihan, as an adviser to President Nixon, promoted a guaranteed minimum income for all families, in part to help unravel the . He believed that an undue optimism about the pending passage of civil- rights legislation was obscuring a pressing problem: a deficit of employed black men of strong character. He believed that this deficit went a long way toward explaining the African American community. Moynihan began searching for a way to press the point within the Johnson administration. Running against the tide of optimism around civil rights, . Moynihan believed that at the core of all these problems lay a black family structure mutated by white oppression: In essence, the Negro community has been forced into a matriarchal structure which, because it is so out of line with the rest of the American society, seriously retards the progress of the group as a whole, and imposes a crushing burden on the Negro male and, in consequence, on a great many Negro women as well.
Moynihan believed this matriarchal structure robbed black men of their birthright. In what would become the most famous passage in the report, Moynihan equated the black community with a diseased patient: In a word, most Negro youth are in danger of being caught up in the tangle of pathology that affects their world, and probably a majority are so entrapped. Many of those who escape do so for one generation only: as things now are, their children may have to run the gauntlet all over again.
That is not the least vicious aspect of the world that white America has made for the Negro. Related Story. The Other Half of the Moynihan Report. Despite its alarming predictions, .
Moynihan had lots of ideas about what government could do. In the quest to understand the politics around the Moynihan Report, and how it was written, Lee Rainwater and William L. It has the advantage of being both well- researched and contemporaneous.
It was a rich source of primary documents, collecting the responses to the report for and against around the time of publication. It flows from the long years of degradation and discrimination, which have attacked his dignity and assaulted his ability to produce for his family. This interpretation was reinforced as second- and thirdhand accounts of the Moynihan Report, which had not been made public, began making the rounds. On August 1. 8, the widely syndicated newspaper columnists Rowland Evans and Robert Novak wrote that Moynihan. A week earlier, the drunk- driving arrest of Marquette Frye, an African American man in Los Angeles, had sparked six days of rioting in the city, which killed 3.
Meanwhile, crime rates had begun to rise. People who read the newspapers but were not able to read the report could. In its bombastic language, its omission of policy recommendations, its implication that black women were obstacles to black men. James Farmer, the civil- rights activist and a co- founder of the Congress of Racial Equality, attacked the report from the left as . Moynihan had left the Johnson administration in the summer to run for president of the New York City Council.
The bid failed, and liberal repudiations of the report kept raining down. In the summer of 1. Moynihan was featured in The New York Times. In the fall of 1. Detroit had exploded into riots, Life magazine dubbed him the .
His own writing was featured in The Atlantic, The New Yorker, Commentary, The American Scholar, The Saturday Evening Post, The Public Interest, and elsewhere. Yet despite the positive coverage, Moynihan remained . In September of 1. Moynihan gave a speech calling for liberals and conservatives to unite . Moynihan was, by then, embittered by the attacks launched against him.
Two books proved helpful in understanding Moynihan in his post- Johnson years. Daniel Patrick Moynihan: A Portrait in Letters of an American Visionary edited by Steven R. Weisman, and The Professor and the President: Daniel Patrick Moynihan in the Nixon White House by Stephen Hess.
The first is a compilation of primary sources on Moynihan that allows one to get past the rhetoric and get to the man, himself. He began pushing for a minimum income for all American families. Nixon promoted Moynihan.
This was a personal victory for Moynihan. The people you would most want to admire you detesting you. Being anathematized and stigmatized. The Family Assistance Plan died in the Senate. In a 1. 97. 2 essay in The Public Interest, Moynihan, who had by then left the White House and was a professor at Harvard, railed against . He pointed out that his pessimistic predictions were now becoming reality.
So were the number of children in poor, female- headed families. Moynihan issued a dire warning: . By 2. 00. 7, it had reached a historic high of 7. In absolute terms, America. The United States now accounts for less than 5 percent of the world. In 2. 00. 0, one in 1. In 2. 01. 0, a third of all black male high- school dropouts between the ages of 2.
Our carceral state banishes American citizens to a gray wasteland far beyond the promises and protections the government grants its other citizens. Banishment continues long after one. And banishment was not simply a well- intended response to rising crime. It was the method by which we chose to address the problems that preoccupied Moynihan, problems resulting from . He believed that these effects could be addressed through state action.
Through the middle of the 2. America. China has about four times America. Crime would seem the obvious culprit: Between 1. But the relationship between crime and incarceration is more discordant than it appears.
Imprisonment rates actually fell from the 1. Then, from the early .
Data from: Bureau of Justice Statistics; Sourcebook of Criminal Justice Statistics; Uniform Crime Reporting System.)The incarceration rate rose independent of crime. Derek Neal, an economist at the University of Chicago, has found that by the early 2. Examining a sample of states, Neal found that from 1. That explosion in rates and duration of imprisonment might be justified on grounds of cold pragmatism if a policy of mass incarceration actually caused crime to decline. Which is precisely what some politicians and policy makers of the tough- on- crime . The rise and fall in crime in the late 2. Crime rates rose and fell in the United States and Canada at roughly the same clip.
Farrington have written, then . In the latter half of the 2. Nordic countries as well. During the period of rising crime, incarceration rates held steady in Denmark, Norway, and Sweden. After studying California.
Bruce Western, a sociologist at Harvard and one of the leading academic experts on American incarceration, looked at the growth in state prisons in recent years and concluded that a 6. Then it went still higher. This bloating of the prison population may not have reduced crime much, but it increased misery among the group that so concerned Moynihan. Among all black males born since the late 1.
Employment and poverty statistics traditionally omit the incarcerated from the official numbers. When Western recalculated the jobless rates for the year 2. The illusion of wage and employment progress among African American males was made possible only through the erasure of the most vulnerable among them from the official statistics. These consequences for black men have radiated out to their families.
By 2. 00. 0, more than 1 million black children had a father in jail or prison. Paternal incarceration is associated with behavior problems and delinquency, especially among boys. Baltimore police respond to a call at the Gilmor Homes, where Freddie Gray was arrested before sustaining a fatal spinal injury in April while in police custody.
Should the family attempt to stay together through incarceration, the loss of income only increases, as the mother must pay for phone time, travel costs for visits, and legal fees. The burden continues after the father returns home, because a criminal record tends to injure employment prospects. For more the National Research Council. Written by a committee of some of the most distinguished scholars on the subject, the report addresses any question you could possibly have about mass incarceration. You can read it straight through. But it works just as well as an encyclopedia.
Through it all, the children suffer.